Evidence Summary
Local Public Libraries Serve Important Functions as Meeting
Places, but Demographic Variables Appear Significant, Suggesting a Need for
Extensive Further Research
A Review of:
Aabø, S., Audunson, R., & Vårheim, A. (2010). How
do public libraries function as meeting places? Library & Information Science Research, 32(1), 16-26. doi:
10.1016/j.lisr.2009.07.008.
Reviewed by:
R. Laval Hunsucker
Information
and Collection Specialist Emeritus
Universiteit van Amsterdam Libraries
Silversteyn 80, Breukelen,
The Netherlands
Email: amoinsde@yahoo.com
Received: 30 Nov. 2011 Accepted:
31
Jan. 2012
2012 Hunsucker.
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative
Commons‐Attribution‐Noncommercial‐Share Alike License 2.5 Canada (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by‐nc‐sa/2.5/ca/), which permits unrestricted use,
distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is
properly attributed, not used for commercial purposes, and, if transformed, the
resulting work is redistributed under the same or similar license to this one.
Abstract
Objective –
The investigators hoped to gain an understanding of the extent to which local
public libraries are used by their visitors as meeting places, and in what
ways. Furthermore, they sought to determine whether certain demographic
variables correlate with variations in these ways of using the library.
Finally, they were looking for evidence of a relationship between the degree of
the subjects’ general community involvement on the one hand, and their
participation in various types of meetings in the library on the other.
Design –
Questionnaire-based telephone survey.
Setting –
Oslo, Norway.
Subjects –
750 adult residents (eighteen years or older) from 3 of Oslo’s 15 boroughs.
Methods –
The researchers selected these boroughs (not identified in this article and
referred to, unusually, as “townships”) because they judged them to represent
three demographically varying types of urban community. In March of 2006, a
professional survey organization drew numbers at random from a database of
telephone numbers in each borough, continuing until it had reached the desired
number of 250 actual survey respondents, including cell phone users, for each
borough. It weighted the sample according to gender and age, and administered
the telephone interviews on the basis of a questionnaire which the researchers
had designed to yield quantitative data for ten independent, and seven
dependent, variables. Interviewers asked the respondents to answer questions on
the basis of their entire recollected personal history of public library use,
rather than during a specific defined period.
Six
of the independent variables were demographic: borough of residence,
occupational category, age category, educational level, cultural/linguistic
background (dichotomous: either non-Norwegian or Norwegian), and household
income category. The other four were: level of participation in local activities,
degree of involvement in community improvement activities, degree to which a
subject trusted various community institutions, and frequency of local library
use. “Meeting intensity,” or the number of different meeting types for which a
given subject could remember ever having used the library, was one dependent
variable. The others were participation/non-participation in each of the six
defined meeting types. The researchers employed hierarchical multiple
regression analyses for determining degrees of correlation.
Main Results –
“Meeting intensity” correlated significantly and positively not only with
frequency of library use in general, but also with the number of local
activities participated in and level of involvement in community improvement
activities, as well as with non-Norwegian cultural/linguistic background. It
correlated significantly and negatively with household income. The
investigators report no significant relationship of meeting intensity with
occupational or age category, or with level of education. Participation in
certain of the defined meeting types did correlate significantly with certain
independent variables. Respondents tend to turn to the local public library
more for “public sphere” meetings as they grow older. Participation in this
kind of meeting is likewise more common among those with a higher level of
community involvement and engagement, but also among the lower-income
respondents. High-intensive “joint activities” meetings with friends,
acquaintances, colleagues or classmates are especially popular among adults in
the lower age categories, as well as among respondents with a lower level of
education and with a lower household income. “Virtual” meetings (via library
Internet use), also defined as a high-intensive meeting type, are especially
popular with the occupational categories “job seeker” and “homemaker,” as well
as with the younger respondents and with those who have a lower household
income. Use of the local public library for both the “virtual” and the “joint-activities”
types of meetings is also considerably more common among those with a
non-Norwegian cultural/linguistic background. Frequency of library use in
general was not related to participation in either of these two types of
meetings at the library, but it was related to library use for the more
low-intensive meeting types (chance meetings and encounters, library as
rendezvous point for joint activities elsewhere), as well as to what the
investigators term using the library as a “metameeting
place,” i.e., a place for finding “information about other arenas and
activities” in the local community.
Conclusion –
The local public library seems to serve, for many of its patrons, an important
function as venue for meetings of various kinds. In general, using it for
meeting purposes appears to be something that appeals more to younger than to
older adults, more to those in the lower than to those in the higher income
categories, and more to those with an immigrant than to those with an
indigenous background. The perhaps even less expected finding that use of the
library for a relatively intensive, instrumental kind of meeting activity
correlates significantly with a lower level of education would particularly
suggest a need for further research. Noteworthy, as well, is the apparent fact
that those who make use of the local public library as a venue for relatively
intensive meeting activity, whether physical or virtual, tend to come to the
library expressly for that purpose, and visit the library less often for other
reasons than do other library users. The urban districts in which respondents
resided were in fact not internally homogeneous enough, nor socio-economically
distinct enough from one another, to yield correlations of practical
evidentiary value.
It
was the researchers’ working assumption that their three independent variables
of community engagement – i.e., level of participation in local activities,
degree of involvement in community improvement activities, and degree to which
one trusts community institutions – can be taken together to represent the
amount of a respondent’s “social capital.” They detected, in general, a
positive correlation between the extent of such “social capital” and the use of
the library as a meeting place. Neither the strength nor the direction of this
relationship was clear, however, from the results of this study: both will have
to be explored through further research. “Does the library contribute to
generating social capital,” they ask, “or is the use of the library as a meeting
place a result of pre-existing social capital?” (p. 25) They were hoping at
least to discover whether the library, specifically in its role as a
low-intensive and “public sphere” meeting place, contributes to the generation
of “bridging” social capital between
citizens of differing cultural backgrounds, with differing values, viewpoints,
and interests. Though their findings did not justify this conclusion, and Skøtt’s (2005) study even contradicts it, the researchers
nevertheless express their confidence that, while not a genuine “third place”
in the sense intended by Oldenburg (1999), “the library as a meeting place
plays a substantial role in equalizing the possibilities of being an active
citizen across social and economic differences” (p. 25). But however that may
be, they are in any case convinced that their questionnaire and categorization
scheme for meeting types have now shown their value, and that the grouping of
types into “low-intensive” versus “high-intensive” appears to be fruitful. They
do concede that their approach still requires more thorough and detailed
examination, and that their survey instrument must be further refined and
developed.
Commentary
It
is likely that this study will prove to be of more practical use to researchers
than to library practitioners. In particular, its findings regarding public
library use patterns by non-indigenous, by less-educated, by lower-income, and
by younger patrons are of interest but will require extensive testing through
additional research, in other settings as well as with other, especially
qualitative, methods. Highly significant, too, is this study’s implicit
conclusion that for many who make relatively intensive and instrumental use of
the library as place, it would indeed seem still to be an important community
institution although presumably not by virtue of the functions and services
more traditionally associated with it.
Strangely,
that conclusion is not one which the authors themselves formulate, although
their data, like those of ABM-utvikling (2008), strongly indicate that it is
justified, as in fact Høimyr (2011) likewise
suggests. Indeed, it is remarkable that this study takes no account whatsoever
of those functions and services, nor of certain other factors which can clearly
have a considerable influence on whether, the extent to which, and in what
ways, patrons will use a public library as a meeting place. We are told nothing
about these local libraries’ collections, facilities, size, staffing, or
services, and what role those might play. There is no mention of the libraries’
policies and procedures, or the extent to which those may be aimed at
facilitating or even encouraging the use of library premises for various
meeting purposes. We hear nothing, either, about architecture, arrangement, and
design, though, as Van Slyck
has argued, “A [library] building’s plan determines which interactions ... are
possible and which are impossible,” and the qualities of its interior spaces as
well as its furnishings encourage “users to play certain
sanctioned roles, while making others seem unthinkable” (2007, p. 221). Surely these factors are, as
many have indeed suggested (Breeding, 2011; Cox, Swinbourne,
Pip, & Laing, 2000; Johnson, 2010;
Klopfer & Nagata, 2011; Ljødal, 2005; May & Black, 2010; Preer,
2001; Servet, 2010; Sin & Kim, 2008; Vårheim,
Steinmo, & Ide, 2008; Wahnich,
2011), far from irrelevant to research regarding libraries’ use as meeting
places? Was it as libraries that the respondents
found these libraries to be suitable/attractive/meaningful as meeting places?
Could some or all of the types of meeting just as well have taken place in
something other than a library? If not, why
not? What specifically, or what combination of factors, makes a library appealing as a meeting place?
Since
the present study does not speak to any of these matters, it is difficult to
assess to what degree its results actually amount to evidence which might be of
use to practicing librarians. Moreover, the sample was not entirely
representative; subject self-selection and self-reporting biases were present,
as was a degree of language bias; and, oddly, the investigators neglected to
establish, even approximately, how often any given respondent had used the
library either for meeting purposes altogether or for any specific meeting
type. They do not provide a copy of the questionnaire employed. This reader
could nonetheless scarcely avoid the impression that some survey questions were
multi-interpretable, and some terminology – even some variables – imprecisely
defined. This renders it all the more regrettable that the researchers chose to
employ a single-method, rather than a triangulated, research design.
How
can we adequately measure the societal performance, or calculate the social and
community value, of a public library? This is clearly a multifaceted and still
unresolved question, but nevertheless an important and probably increasingly
crucial one (Calvert, 1994; Debono, 2002;
Imholz & Arns, 2007; Klopfer & Nagata, 2011; Koontz, Jue, & Lance,
2005; Linley
& Usherwood, 1998; Richter, 2011; State
Library, 2005; Wiegand, 2003).
In spite of their study’s limitations, Aabø and her
colleagues quite rightly recognized that at least one important aspect, the
library’s actual use as meeting place, had hardly ever been the subject of any
empirical research or analysis. Their and the ABM-utvikling’s (2008) findings on
this specific aspect now amount in any case to a welcome, albeit modest,
beginning on which further research can build. In the meantime, their study
does already at least strongly suggest that the twenty-first century public
library has indeed begun to attract a somewhat differently constituted
clientele, serving it in a manner different to the traditional and familiar
one. And that in consequence, as some others have already observed (Alstad &
Curry, 2003;
Bonrepaux, 2010; Breemer, 2011;
Cox et al., 2000; Shoham & Yablonka,
2008; Wahnich, 2011; Wiegand, 2003),
librarians may well have little choice but to adjust their thinking and their
practices accordingly.
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