Political Science Undergraduate Review 2019-06-26T00:56:44-06:00 Alexandria Hammond Open Journal Systems <p>The Political Science Undergraduate Review (PSUR) is a peer-reviewed journal that publishes scholarly work done by University of Alberta undergraduates in the field of political science. We have two objectives: to give undergraduate students a chance to have their scholarly work published and recognized and to involve students in the process of peer-review. Our mission is to publish an annual edition that gives students the opportunity to publish some of their written work -- a beneficial asset when applying to grad school or future job opportunities. We encourage all students, especially those who have never published before, to submit work they want to share. Published by the Political Science Undergraduate Association.</p> Letter from the Editor 2019-06-26T00:55:40-06:00 Alexandria Hammond <p>Letter from the Editor</p> 2019-04-21T22:41:51-06:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Who Receives the Gift of Life? 2019-06-26T00:55:42-06:00 Meghan Cardy <p>An organ donation is a matter of life and death in the most literal sense, meaning the Trillium Gift of Life Organ Donation Network,&nbsp;the regulatory body for organ donations in Ontario, is aptly named. In December of 2017, Delilah Saunders, an Inuk activist for the rights of missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls, went into acute liver failure and was refused a spot on their waiting list. What was the reason the Trillium network cited in refusing Ms. Saunders?&nbsp; She had failed to meet the requirement of a prior sixth-month period of sobriety, a sixth month period wherein she had also been called to testify on the 2014&nbsp;murder of her sister Loretta at the National Inquiry on Murdered and Missing&nbsp;Indigenous Women and Girls. The refusal gained national media attention and sparked furious debate, especially regarding the larger issue of the discriminatory experiences of Indigenous women in the Canadian health system. This paper argues that the policy that led to the decision to refuse Delilah Saunders a liver transplant, when analyzed through the intersecting lenses of gender and settler-colonialism, displays the continued commitment of Canada to the settler-colonial logic of elimination, especially regarding Indigenous women.</p> 2019-04-21T22:22:07-06:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## The Case of Omar Khadr and the Two-Tiered Canadian Citizenship Model 2019-04-21T22:48:52-06:00 Keysel Alberto Aranzamendez Besa <p>This paper focuses on the story of Omar Khadr, a Toronto-born Muslim-Canadian citizen who was captured by the Americans in a bombed-out compound in Afghanistan back in 2002. Khadr had to spent a decade of his life detained, often in solitary confinement, in Guantanamo Bay, which had been controversial for allegations of torture against its detainees. In 2012, he pled guilty before a military tribunal for throwing a grenade that fatally wounded an American soldier—a guilty pleading he later recanted. As to the Liberal government’s $10-million compensation and apology to Khadr—Canadians remain divided. I will argue in this paper, using the case of Omar Khadr, that one’s status as a Canadian citizen is not an absolute guarantee to shield people from abuse, dispossession, unfair stigmatization, prejudice and racialization. Additionally, I suggest that Canada subscribes to a double standard when it comes to protecting its citizens, as seen in its complicity and complacency in Khadr’s case as well as its deliberate stonewalling of his repatriation. Most importantly, I intend to demonstrate that racialization and prejudice are the main reasons why Khadr had been deprived of the protections and rights, which should have been guaranteed to him, given his Canadian citizenship.</p> 2019-04-21T22:09:36-06:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Indigenous Child Welfare in Canada 2019-06-26T00:55:42-06:00 Christian Zukowski <p>This paper is primarily a case study of the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal case <em>Caring Society v Canada</em> and seeks to accomplish three things. First, create a theoretical foundation built upon historic instances of discriminatory/assimilationist policies based upon theoretical understandings of social reproduction, biopolitics, and neoliberalism. Second, to situate <em>Caring Society</em> within said theoretical framework for the purpose of determining the context in which it occurs and the role of the case's context in producing discriminatory/assimilationist policy. Third is the application of both the theoretical framework as well as <em>Caring Society</em> to determine how the Canadian state engages in nation building through processes of othering and framing Indigenous peoples as a foreign threat to the security of the Canadian identity. In doing so, I not only argue that Indigenous child welfare is the perpetuation of residential schools, but that it systematically breaks down Indigenous children and Indigenous communities in response to their perceived threat through processes of othering and nation-building.</p> 2019-04-21T22:21:23-06:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Settler Colonialism and the Contemporary Coerced Sterilizations of Indigenous Women 2019-06-26T00:56:43-06:00 Ravia Kaur Dhaliwal <p>Within the context of settler colonialism, this paper investigates the contemporary coerced sterilizations of Indigenous Women in Canada. By going through the history of coercive sterilizations in Canada, and then delving into the efforts in light of these supposedly historical coerced sterilizations, of culturally safe care in hospitals in Canada.&nbsp;This paper goes on to investigate the case of M.L.R.P., who&nbsp;was coercively sterilized in 2008. Lastly, this paper relates to Audre Lorde's work on the "master's tools" to the activism put forth around the case of indigenous women's coercive sterilizations highlighting again, the settler colonial contexts of these cases.&nbsp;</p> 2019-04-21T22:08:11-06:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## The Métis and the Courts: Interrogating Métis-Focused Supreme Court Decisions in Canada 2019-06-26T00:55:41-06:00 Thomas Feth <p><span style="font-weight: 400;"> This paper is broadly concerned with the politics of the Canadian constitution, with its primary focus being the relationship between the Métis and the Supreme Court of Canada. The Métis are one of three Aboriginal groups in Canada that are officially recognized in the </span><em><span style="font-weight: 400;">Constitution Act,</span></em> <em><span style="font-weight: 400;">1982</span></em><span style="font-weight: 400;">, along with the First Nations and the Inuit. The </span><em><span style="font-weight: 400;">Act</span></em><span style="font-weight: 400;"> sparked a new era of Canadian jurisprudence and Indigenous activism through the courts. Despite the hopes of the Métis, major Supreme Court decisions vis-à-vis Métis issues since 1982 have been questionable if not problematic. This paper discusses Métis identity, jurisdiction, equality rights, and the question of Métis title in relation to four Supreme Court decisions. The paper aims to provide an overview of the most pertinent issues and cases in Métis constitutional law, while arguing that Métis-focused Supreme Court decisions have done little to improve the position and status of the Métis people in Canadian society, while some judgements have even undermined them.</span></p> 2019-04-21T22:27:19-06:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## The Duty Consult as the Authority to Recognize 2019-06-26T00:55:41-06:00 Regan Brodziak <p>This essay performs an analysis of the duty to consult and accommodate principle, a legal mandate that requires the Canadian state to consult and accommodate Indigenous nations when taking action that might interfere with established Aboriginal or treaty rights. Though <em>Tsilhqot’in Nation v. British </em>did make progress in terms of providing Indigenous peoples with more authority in the consultative process, the power still ultimately remains with the Crown in dictating whether or not the interference on Aboriginal or treaty rights is justified. That is, the Indigenous nation is invited to participate in the process, but they are not granted the authority to truly determine what happens on their land. In light of this limitation, this essay claims that this principle still operates within the presumption of Crown sovereignty, and therefore ultimately fails to confer upon the Indigenous nation their rightful political independence. In order to truly reconcile the relationship between Indigenous nations and the Canadian state, this essay concludes that it is necessary to establish a relationship premised on the rightful treaty-federalist framework.</p> 2019-04-21T22:24:29-06:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Canadian Narcotics Policy: A Relic of Settler Colonialism 2019-06-26T00:56:43-06:00 Michael Mytrunec <p>In this paper, I examine the formation and enforcement of Canadian narcotics policy through the lens of settler colonialism. By examining the rationale for Canadian policies towards opium, cannabis, and quat, I challenge the notion that public health and safety played a material role the formation of Canadian narcotics policy. Rather, racialized targeting of minority groups was a key driver for creating laws to prohibit certain narcotics and incidentally target undesirable subcultures. Evidence that punitive and enforcement-oriented strategies for controlling narcotic &nbsp;drugs are ineffective have frequently been met by the continuation of these very strategies, further undermining the stated purposes for enacting strict drug laws. Language of “law and order” and the propensity to crack down on drug users, coupled with racial profiling and police biases, has continued the disproportionate racial impacts of drug laws, and the successes of narcotics policy in entrenching the status quo have outweighed their failures in reducing drug consumption. I conclude that, as it exists currently, Canadian narcotics policy is inseparable from Canada’s past as a settled, colonial nation-state.</p> 2019-04-21T22:08:52-06:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## A Critique of Diversity, Inclusion and Equity Policies in Canadian Universities 2019-06-26T00:56:44-06:00 Julie Moysiuk <p>The title of a “university” in Canada is protected under federal regulation, with the intent that institutions housing scholars of autonomous and critical thought need to maintain a particular standard of quality. As Canada has become increasingly multicultural, so have its universities – but their demographic representation (or lack thereof) creates a need for diversity, inclusion and equity policies to be evaluated. This paper assesses how institutionalized policies are weakened by focussing on proposed policy objectives, rather than potential long term impact. After establishing basic definitions to this argument, two main ideas are explored: the importance of disrupting pre-existing assumptions about diversity, inclusion and equity policies, and methods to substantively remedy the unequal power relations these policies can reinforce.</p> 2019-04-21T00:00:00-06:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Multinational Corporations and Civil Society: A case study Comparison of H&M and Hoang Anh Gia Lai Group in Cambodia 2019-06-26T00:56:43-06:00 Solomon Kay-Reid <p>&nbsp;</p> <p>This paper examines the impact both positive, and negative of two multinational corporations (MNCs), H&amp;M and Hoang Ahn Gia Lai Group both of whom operate extensively in Cambodia. It examines the important role domestic civil society plays in resisting the worst predatory tendencies in MNCs, and how the capacity to resist may be curbed by authoritarian regimes. Furthermore, the essay examines the role of international groups as well as consumer society on holding MNCs accountable for their actions. Particular attention is paid to the impact these multinational corporations have on women and indigenous communities, who are in the Cambodia context two of the most vulnerable groups in society. Moreover, it is suggested that while multinational corporations may ameliorate their practices in some areas, this often requires sustained pressure from a variety of actors, with this being especially true when governments cannot or are unwilling to regulate the behaviour of corporations. Lastly, it is suggested that civil society in the host state is the most important actor for bringing pressure to bear on MNCs, they must be supported by either international actors, or the domestic government to truly reign in the most predatory behaviour of MNCs.</p> 2019-04-21T22:06:21-06:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## “Towards a Beautiful Country”: The Nationalist Project to Transform Japan 2019-06-26T00:55:41-06:00 Matthew David Boyd <p>Japan is often regarded by scholarship as an example of what a healthy East Asian liberal democracy ought to look like. Despite its reputation for pacifism and liberal democracy, Japan has demonstrated a remarkable shift in political culture in the last decade, as successive governments have embraced decidedly nationalist policy choices. As the Abe Administration continues to push ahead with its plan for Constitutional Revision, a goal long advocated for by nationalist groups, Japan seems poised to enter a period of renewed nationalist discourses and policymaking. Existing scholarship presents these shifting political trends as having been facilitated by the political elite, and many scholars argue that elite driven, or top-down nationalism, is the driving force of political change in the modern Japanese political system. This paper challenges these assertions, instead arguing that resurgent nationalism in Japanese politics can be traced to the grassroots of society. Through a study of two non-government organizations, Nippon Kaigi 日本会議and Jinja Honchō 神社本庁, this paper clearly demonstrates the critical impact that grassroots organizing through non-government organizations has had on driving nationalist policymaking at the national level. The political success of these lobbying groups has been clearly evidenced in their presence at the highest level of Japanese government, as well as the remarkable similarities between their organizational goals and the political goals of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party. This paper demonstrates that the relationship between grassroots nationalist organizations and the Japanese government is one of influence and pressure, rather than a coincidental alignment of political ideals.</p> 2019-04-21T22:22:56-06:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement##